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Hoy: Lun, marzo 17 2025

Noticias
y opinión

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Hoy: Lun, 17 marzo 2025

LOS GRUPOS INSIGNIFICANTES DE CIUDADANOS

El descrédito de los partidos políticos en Colombia no es nuevo, desde hace varias décadas estos han tenido una imagen desfavorable superior a su imagen favorable, pero en los últimos diez años la brecha o la diferencia que había entre una y otra ha aumentado drásticamente. Al final del segundo periodo de Álvaro Uribe, la favorabilidad de los partidos políticos era del 43%, frente a un 48% de imagen desfavorable, una diferencia de solo 5 puntos porcentuales (pp), es decir, un buen porcentaje de colombianos veía con buenos ojos a los partidos políticos en ese momento. Para el cierre del primer periodo de Juan Manuel Santos, la diferencia ya no era de 5 pp, sino de 64 pp, la imagen desfavorable de los partidos se ubicó en un 78% y la imagen favorable bajó hasta el 14%; para finales de su segundo mandato la imagen desfavorable alcanzó su nivel más alto, con un 89%, frente a solo un 7% de imagen favorable, cifras que se han mantenido similares en el actual periodo de gobierno de Iván Duque, como lo reflejan las últimas mediciones hechas por Invamer, 89% de desfavorabilidad y solo 5% de imagen favorable en el mes de agosto, 86% de imagen desfavorable, frente a 7% de imagen favorable para el pasado mes de octubre.

La caída de la favorabilidad de los partidos políticos en la última década ha ido de la mano con un crecimiento exponencial de la inscripción de grupos significativos de ciudadanos (GSC), esto como lo revela el último informe publicado por la Misión de Observación Electoral (MOE), donde “al ver el consolidado de las elecciones de 2018 frente a lo ocurrido en 2014, la inscripción de Grupos Significativos de Ciudadanos tuvo un incremento del 5400% para el Senado de la República y del 318% para la Cámara de Representantes”. Para el Senado en el 2010 solo se inscribió un GSC, en el 2018 fueron 55, y para las elecciones del 2022 van inscritos 45. Los GSC inscritos para las elecciones a Cámara de Representantes en el 2010 fueron 3, en el 2014 fueron 28, en el 2018 se triplicaron llegando a 117 inscritos, y para las elecciones del 2022 van 72. Para las elecciones presidenciales es igual el panorama, van inscritos 40 comités para la recolección de firmas de candidatos a la presidencia.

La atomización partidista que se presentó después de la constitución de 1991 parece volver con los GSC, donde llegamos a tener en las elecciones de 1998, solo para el Senado, más de 80 grupos avalados entre partidos y movimientos, que a su vez presentaron bajo la modalidad de avales múltiples listas, llegando a tener alrededor de 319 para esa elección. Esta situación se intentó corregir con las reformas del 2003 y del 2009, que apostaron por la consolidación de los partidos, eliminando las listas múltiples, fortaleciendo la institucionalidad de los partidos y aumentando los requisitos para la obtención de la personería jurídica; esta pasó de requerir solo cincuenta mil firmas, o votos en la elección anterior, a tener que obtener un 2% de los votos emitidos a nivel nacional en Cámara o Senado. Este umbral se aumentaría a un 3% en el 2009, haciendo más compleja la obtención de la personería jurídica. El porcentaje de votos a sacar para obtener la personería jurídica para las elecciones del 2010 correspondió a alrededor de los doscientos setenta mil votos, lo que redujo el número de partidos a unos diez.

Lo problemático de la proliferación de los GSC es la instrumentalización que se le está dando por parte de algunos políticos, con complicidad de los mismos miembros de los partidos. Los GSC se pensaron como organizaciones coyunturales, por medio de las cuales los ciudadanos que no son afines a ningún partido político, tuvieran la opción de presentar candidatos a las diferentes elecciones. Sin embargo, ahora las candidaturas por firmas han pasado a ser un mecanismo para hacer campaña anticipada, para sacarle el quite a la mala imagen que tienen los partidos políticos, y para saltarse los complejos procesos de elección interna de los mismos.

La actual campaña presidencial está plagada de políticos que han pertenecido a algún partido o que mantienen estrechas relaciones con estos, los cuales usan la figura de los GSC para iniciar campañas presidenciales anticipadas, lavándose la mala imagen de los partidos, aunque quedándose con las maquinarias electorales de estos. Lo estamos viendo no solo en candidaturas a la presidencia o al congreso, las alcaldías han sido el ejemplo más claro de la instrumentalización de este mecanismo.

En este panorama viene a jugar un papel fundamental para la resignificación de la política partidista, el Nuevo Liberalismo, el Movimiento de Salvación Nacional y el Partido Verde Oxigeno. Partidos que en su momento se presentaron como una alternativa a los partidos tradicionales, y como una posibilidad de ampliar la democracia de estos. Recaerá en la espalda de estos tres partidos el volver a dar coherencia a la política partidista, recuperar la imagen de los partidos como las organizaciones legítimas para la representación de los intereses de los ciudadanos, tendrán que volver a dar valor a la militancia partidista cada vez más precaria; es necesario que el ciudadano vuelva a sentirse orgulloso del partido en el que milita y de las ideas que representan.

Hoy la ciudadanía tiene una sensación de orfandad política, antes suplida por los partidos políticos; con su debilitamiento, esta identificación ha sido copada por los personalismos caudillistas, que dejan al vaivén de un líder la estabilidad democrática. Los ejemplos de las democracias occidentales más estables, ponen de manifiesto el papel fundamental de los partidos, dejando claro que solo hay un camino viable para la estabilidad política: el fortalecimiento de los partidos. Los líderes van y vienen, los partidos quedan.

Sebastián Suárez Ojeda

Estudiante Ciencia Política de la Universidad de Antioquia. Analista político en Radio y Televisión. Twitter: @Sebaspolítologo

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